Wednesday, 17 February 2010

Window on Eurasia: Moscow’s Approach in the North Caucasus Shows ‘Powerlessness of Power,’ Alekseyeva Says

Paul Goble

Americus, February 16 – Moscow’s efforts to resolve the challenges it has faced in the North Caucasus over the last 20 years by force alone, Lyudmila Alekseyeva, the grand dame of Russia’s human rights community says, have demonstrated “the powerlessness of [that kind of] power” and have contributed to the spread of “civil war” across the region.

In a comment in “Osobaya bukhva” today, Alekseyeva argues that even a “superficial” examination of what has taken place in that region shows the non-expert that Moscow is not solving the problems it faces but making them worse
(www.specletter.com/obcshestvo/2010-02-16/v-pjatigorsk-priehal-krizisnyi-upravljajucshii.html).

Moscow’s policy failure in this regard “began in Chechnya, [but] now it has spread already almost in all republics,” because the central powers that be have “not changed their tactic” and have acted in ways that lead either the victims or the families of the victims to “go into the woods” to take revenge.

At present, Alekseyeva continues, “the majority of those who are in the forests” are there not at least to start to pursue an ideological agenda but rather to take revenge. But once there, they can be mobilized by others and thus become an even greater threat as the recent appearance of suicide bombers, something Russia has not faced before, shows.

Across the North Caucasus, she says, “a definite social group is subjected to terror: men from 15 to 40, that is, the group of people that the federal powers that be suppose can form terrorists and participants in uprisings.” Such people, “when they lay down to sleep, do not know whether they will wake up in their own beds.

Some members of this category of people, of course, are in fact terrorists, Alekseyeva concedes. But a far larger number are not and are denounced as such by the FSB which wants to be able to claim success and which finds it “much simpler” to break into the homes of young men, seize them and “say that [they] are backers of the terrorists.”

The FSB tortures those it arrests until they “admit” ties to the terrorists. “Sometimes, [they] die during these tortures.” Sometimes their disfigured bodies are found, but sometimes they are not. But the effect is the same: their relatives feel compelled to take revenge for the victims of this campaign of torture.

In this way, the Moscow human rights activist says, Moscow is producing “an explosion” across the region, “and as long as [the powers that be] do so, they will increase the number of terrorists” and lead at least some who had not been sympathetic to those fighting Moscow to change their minds and to revise their views of the Russian state.

That is because, Alekseyeva points out, “in any normal state,” those who do engage in terrorist acts are tried and sentenced to prison. “But not to torture and not to death.” Tragically, in the case of Russia today, the people of the North Caucasus can see that they do not live in a state which lives according to the law – “and that creates the basis for civil war.”

Alekseyeva says that she is somewhat cheered by the appointment of Aleksandr Khloponin as head of the new North Caucasus Federal District because he showed himself while governor of Krasnoyarsk kray “a good crisis manager.” And consequently, there is hope that he can be effective in the North Caucasus.

Obviously, he will need to address the terrible problem of unemployment in the North Caucasus, especially among the young where as many as 80 percent do not have regular jobs. Alekseyeva says that she is “not saying that every unemployed person is a terrorist,” but young people without jobs are more inclined to become one than are older people.

But an improved social and economic policy will be effective, she suggests, only relatively slowly over the course of several years. And it will work far better if it is accompanied with a change in the counterproductive approach of the FSB “with its extra-judicial arrests and tortures.” If those two things happen, then there could finally be reason for hope.

Monday, 15 February 2010

Prof. Linnart Mäll has passed away‏

Linnart Mäll (7 June 1938 – 14 February 2010)

Linnart Mäll, the Estonian historian, orientalist, translator and politician, passed away on the morning of February 14, 2010. He was one of the founders of the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization as well as its first Chairman from 1991-3.

He was very active in campaigning for the rights of the nations of the Caucasus in the 1990s and will be fondly remembered by the Abkhazians, Circassians, Chechens and all the other nations of those mountains.

Estonia and the world have lost a significant scholar and an original thinker. May his good works live on, and may his soul eternally rest in perfect peace!

Circassian World

About Linnart Mäll


Institute of the Rights of Peoples: http://www.unpo.ee/

Publication

- ''The Rights of Peoples: Ideals and Reality'', Ed. Linnart Mäll, Institute of the Rights of Peoples: Tartu 2006. (PDF)

Related
UNPO General Assembly, 1995, Estonia
Chechnya Mission (1997) Erkin Alptekin, Zelimkhan Yandarbiyev and Linnart Mäll

Sunday, 14 February 2010

Dagestan, history and Turkish generals

Sunday's Zaman, February 14, 2010

This file photo shows the Taşkışla barracks in İstanbul after artillery was fired by the Hareket Ordusu (Action Army) to suppress the March 31 Rebellion, which aimed to put an end to the Second Constitutional Era in the Ottoman Empire in 1909.

“It was the wedding anniversary from hell.” That was Peter’s summary comment in a recent e-mail.

As an anthropologist, he was in Dagestan with his Russian wife last month, researching the local people. Taking a break from work, they went into the town center in the evening for a celebratory anniversary dinner. While in the restaurant, trouble broke out between the local Free Dagestan militia and the Russian authorities. As they watched in horror from their table, sub-machine gun fire rang out throughout the streets -- some combatants even jumped on the hood of Peter’s jeep parked outside to get better cover.

Peter and his wife found themselves caught up in the turmoil and struggle that is the North Caucasus today. Terrorists? Rebels? Freedom-fighters? The definition you apply will depend on your view of the centuries-old conflict between the tribes of this region and the old empire of Russia. Peter and his wife will surely have some interesting stories to tell their children and grandchildren.

In “Turn My Head to the Caucasus,” Aydın Osman Erkan, the grandfather of popular Turkish presenter Rana Erkan Tabanca, recalls the stories told to him about his grandfather Osman Ferid Pasha. In the preface, he writes that it is the story of a family caught up in the upheaval and exodus of the North Caucasus war, saying that the tales he was told as a child were “perhaps romanticized, perhaps exaggerated, but [told] with such imagination, patience and enthusiasm [they] left a deep imprint on my mind and heart.”

“You must review this book, Marion”, said Gaye Hiçdönmez, a well-loved and hardworking member of the British Community Council (BCC) and proprietor of the former Four Seasons Restaurant popular with locals and tourists on İstiklal Caddesi by Taksim, as she browsed our books table at the BCC pantomime. So, on Gaye’s recommendation, I picked up my copy, to discover it comes highly recommended by another well-respected member of the British community in İstanbul -- Professor Norman Stone.

In Professor Stone’s commendation, he says, “‘Circassian’ is one of the great romantic names in history, and deserves to be. Tough and wily mountain warriors in the northern part of the Caucasus -- Circassia -- held off the Russians for forty years and then, in an epic of endurance, settled, in hundreds of thousands, in the territory of modern Turkey. This splendid book is the story of one of them, written up by his descendants.”

Osman Ferid Pasha’s story starts in the middle of the 19th century. Born to the chief of the Ubykh tribe, he grows up among a struggle for survival against hostile assailants and aggressors. In those days, Circassia was an independent confederacy of the Adyghe, Abhaz and Ubyhk peoples. But Russia wanted to possess the Caucasus to strengthen its approached to the Black Sea, and also the Baltic.

So, as a young boy, he learns through play the skills of mountain guerilla warfare. From the older boys he learns to swim in fast-flowing rivers, to jump from swinging ropes tied to a tree into the cold swirling waters below and how to maneuver a horse through rivers and flowing rapids. Janbolat, his father’s standard-bearer, takes charge of his military training. “In war in the mountains your best friend is your horse. … The forest is your camouflage, safety zone and war zone.”

A contemporary poem reads,

“Oh the wild people who live in these countries,

Whose God is freedom and whose law is warfare,

Whose friendship is strong and revenge is stronger

These feelings are inflicted on them by their Lords in the sky.

They answer goodness with good and evil with equal evil,

And for them hatred is as eternal as love.”

The boy born into a leader’s family in the Caucasus becomes a member of the royal staff of the sultan in İstanbul and eventually rises to the position of general of the Imperial Ottoman Army, where his varied responsibilities include commander of the Taşkışla Barracks in İstanbul, envoy to Tripolitania in North Africa and overseer of the Medina Garrison, which meant he was also afforded the title of guardian of the Holy Shrine of Medina.

The skill of a historian such as Professor Stone is to show us how history has a bearing on modern life, society and politics. As Erkan relates the tale of his grandfather, he weaves sections describing the history and politics of the day with sections quoted from authors and observers and with Osman Ferid Pasha’s life story.

Sometimes the story seems to progress a little slowly, but in many places the pace picks up as the relevance to today’s geo-political climate in Russia and Turkey reaches a boiling point. The roots of today’s news from Grozny, Chechnya, Ossetia and Ingushetia extend back to Osman Ferid Pasha’s childhood, when Naqshibandi Shaykh İmam Shamil united the people under the banner of Islam to defend their land against Russian advance.

After the end of the Crimean War, Russia launched an aggressive military attack with three armies against Shamil and his Murid mountaineers in Chechnya and Dagestan. The young Osman Ferid becomes chief as his father dies defending their cause. His mother dies soon after, but not until she has made him promise to take his family to İstanbul. Osman Ferid’s tribe fights on, after many capitulated, and their desperate last stand includes protecting the refugees that streamed in. The tsar’s peace deal allows those who want to go to Turkey. Sailing in overcrowded schooners across the Black Sea, refugee boats take the four brothers to Constantinople (İstanbul), where they enroll in the military academy.

But a decade later, this great city is engulfed in tension and violence in the streets as the people wanted a new constitution, and the sultan seemed reluctant to grant their wishes. Again Osman Ferid’s story becomes uncannily modern. Promoted to major, he now holds a senior ranking position in the army, at a time when the minister of war was planning the first coup to overthrow a sultan. The minister of war was, of course, the commander general of the Ottoman army, and in the run-up to the bloodless coup, there were often heated exchanges in the officers’ mess.

“‘We are officers in the Ottoman Army, answerable only to our superiors. Our duty is to obey without question, so let’s not argue amongst ourselves but wait for orders.’

Mustafa, a close friend rejoined, ‘Osman Ferid, we cannot remain observers or be dogmatic at such a time; the scale of the political unrest in a country can lead to civil war and we should be prepared.’

Osman Ferid saluted him. ‘I believe the military forces to be above politics, as officers our duty is to carry out orders and remain silent. I advise you to do the same’. ”

Some 40 years later, after years of loyal service to his empire, Osman Ferid is once more confronted with the issue of politics, as the military commanders were impelled to swear an oath of allegiance, not just to their sultan and caliph, but also to the Committee of Union and Progress. “His reply was polite and honest. He would be honored to swear an oath of loyalty to Sultan Reşat Mehmed V, to serve him as a faithful servant, an officer of the Ottoman army and Sheikh-ul-Haram under the Caliph of all Islam, but it was against his principles, as an officer in the Ottoman Army, to swear an oath of allegiance to any political party.”

Osman Ferid’s life reminds us how topical history is! We shall have to see whether future news reports from the Caucasus and Turkey teach us that history teaches us nothing, or not.

“Turn My Head to the Caucasus” by Aydin Osman Erkan, published by Çitlembik, TL 25 in paperback, ISBN: 978-9944-424-64-6

Thursday, 21 January 2010

Medvedev Appoints Krasnoyarsk Governor to Head New North Caucasus Federal District

by Valery Dzutsev - Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 7 Issue: 13 - The Jamestown Foundation

On January 19, President Dmitry Medvedev announced the establishment of the North Caucasus Federal District and appointed Alexander Khloponin as the president’s plenipotentiary representative in the region. The newly formed federal district will consist of Dagestan, Chechnya, Ingushetia, North Ossetia, Kabardino-Balkaria, Karachaevo-Cherkessia and the Russian-speaking Stavropol region.

Aleksandr Khloponin was the governor of Krasnoyarsk region in Siberia until the very moment of Medvedev’s announcement. Khloponin is also set to receive the rank of deputy prime minister after adjustments are made in Russian law. Medvedev emphasized that Khloponin was appointed primarily to coordinate the economic development of the new federal district. The city of Pyatigorsk in Stavropol region is to become the center of the newly established federal district (www.rutv.ru, January 19).

The Republic of Adygea, the western-most republic in the Northern Caucasus, did not become a member of the new federal district. At the same time, the Stavropol region, a large but sparsely populated Russian-speaking region that has common borders with all of the region’s republics except Adygea and Ingushetia, was included in the newly formed district.

The North Caucasus Federal District will be the eighth federal district in the Russian Federation. This comes as the first change of the institution of federal districts and Russian presidential plenipotentiaries since President Vladimir Putin introduced it in May 2000.

The Kremlin has persistently tried to amalgamate the North Caucasian republics into Russian-speaking regional formations and even tried to get rid of the very term “North Caucasus,” renaming the original North Caucasian federal district as the Southern Federal District in June 2000. In striking contrast to the previous policies, Medvedev’s move defines the administrative borders of the Northern Caucasus Federal District almost strictly along the ethnic republics boundaries.

The personality of the new governor of the North Caucasus also represents a remarkable novelty in Moscow’s political approach toward the region. A member of the United Russia party, Alexander Khloponin is known not only for being the governor of the economically developed Krasnoyarsk region in the heart of Siberia. He is also known for his links to Russian oligarchs like Vladimir Potanin and Potanin’s Interros business structures. Before going into politics, Khloponin led the Norilsk Nickel plant from 1996 to 2001. Krasnoyarsk is the second largest region in Russia, comprising one-seventh of Russia’s territory. Khloponin’s methods of management are said to be somewhat sporadic as he tries to spend a good portion of his time in his home-city Moscow, where his family resides on a permanent basis (www.flb.ru, February 4, 2008). Khloponin has no widely known links to the North Caucasus. However, since he became the governor of Krasnoyarsk region in 2002, he oversaw a successful amalgamation of two ethnic autonomies, the Taimyr and Evenk autonomous districts, into Krasnoyarsk region, an experience that might be valued in the Kremlin.

President Medvedev announced his decision to appoint his special representative in the North Caucasus during his state of the nation address on November 12, 2009. Medvedev cited the need to resolve what he called the single greatest internal problem of the Russian Federation –the precarious security situation in the North Caucasus. Ramzan Kadyrov, Dmitry Kozak, Vladislav Surkov, Arkady Yedelev and Sergei Ivanov were mentioned in the press as possible candidates. An anonymous source in the Russian government confirmed for Gazeta.ru that the message Moscow was trying to give to the public through Khloponin’s appointment was that Moscow was “abandoning” its reliance on force in its North Caucasus policies. Khloponin is also said to have close relations with both President Medvedev and Prime Minister Putin (www.gazeta.ru, January 19).

Medvedev has stated on several occasions that the North Caucasus region has to be economically developed in order to undercut the spread of Islamic extremism and to stabilize the region. However, mere changes in the personalities of governors and reshuffling the administrative boundaries may be insufficient measures in the troubled region. Also, it appears that major hawks, like the Deputy Interior Minister Arkady Yedelev, who is in charge of counter-terrorism operations in the North Caucasus, remain in office. Human rights defenders have regularly accused Russian law enforcement agencies of violating human rights and thereby contributing to the spread of extremism.

Both moves –the creation of a new federal district in the North Caucasus and appointing the governor of Krasnoyarsk region to head it– took most observers by surprise. Human Rights Watch’s expert Tatyana Lokshina said in an interview with the Polit.ru website that her impression was that the position of the president’s representative in the North Caucasus has become an intermediary stop for various bureaucrats, where they have to wait for their next appointment. According to Lokshina, Khloponin is better than the current head of the Southern Federal District, Vladimir Ustinov, but has insufficient expertise in the North Caucasus to be a successful governor.

Alexander Cherkasov of the Memorial human rights center cautiously welcomed the appointment as an indicator of a greater emphasis on economic development of the North Caucasus (www.polit.ru, January 19). The editor-in-chief of the liberal Russian radio station Ekho Moskvy, Aleksei Venediktov, expressed his skepticism about both Medvedev’s decisions. He pointed to Khloponin’s manifestly low authority to manage local leaders like Chechnya’s Ramzan Kadyrov and Ingushetia’s Yunus-bek Yevkurov and the arbitrariness of including a Russian speaking-region, Stavropol, in the new federal district, while excluding an ethnic republic, Adygea, from it (Ekho Moskvy, January 19).

The creation of the North Caucasus Federal District will make it easier for Moscow to focus on the tasks that are specific to the region. At the same time, increasing horizontal cooperation between the North Caucasus republics will be watched with unease by the more nationalist-minded people in the Russian government. Khloponin seems to be a compromise figure between the Putin and Medvedev teams and he may be, as several commentators speculated, a temporary figure.

Tuesday, 19 January 2010

Absence of Will‏ - A Documentary by Mamuka Kuparadze

ABSENCE OF WILL

Documentary by Mamuka Kuparadze

Conciliation Resources, Heinrich Boell Foundation and Studio Re

http://www.vimeo.com/8826939 - 48 Min.

Vakho and Teo are twenty-something university graduates from the Georgian capital, Tbilisi. Born as the Soviet Union collapsed, they've grown up in the shadow of the wars that tore their country apart in the early nineteen nineties. They're too young to remember the fighting, but like everyone from their generation, their lives have been shaped by the legacy of the violence.

In the summer of 2008 Vakho and Teo set out to try to understand for themselves what caused the war in Abkhazia, and why after fifteen years of peace talks the sides are still no nearer to resolving their differences. Halfway through filming, fighting broke out again over South Ossetia. For a few brief days in August, war suddenly became a reality for Vakho and Teo, and as they experienced its horrors first hand, their search for answers became more personal and more urgent.

This is the story of their journey into Georgia's recent past, and of the tough questions and painful truths they faced in their search for the way to a better future.

Source: Heinrich Boell Foundation (PDF)

*********

'Absence of Will': A commentary

Prepared by Metin Sönmez
Editor, CircassianWorld.com & AbkhazWorld.com

The documentary film "Absence of Will'', financed by Conciliation Resources (UK) and the Heinrich Boell Foundation (Germany), produced by Studio RE, and directed by Mamuka Kuparadze, was broadcast in 2009 for the first time. It is of great importance to anyone who wishes properly to understand the Georgian - Abkhaz War of 1992 - 1993.

When I first watched it, I was surprised to find myself watching those responsible for starting the war as they confessed, with regret, the facts that I already knew all too well. While listening to these confession-like statements, the many articles, books and published comments (positive and negative) about this issue flashed across my mind. Then, I decided that it would be a useful exercise to combine elements from these sources and set them alongside the script of the documentary by way of commentary to serve as a guide for those desirous of understanding the 1992 - 1993 war.

I am of the opinion that presenting the facts, which have been so extensively denied and/ or distorted, in such a comparison is of fundamental importance. I provide dates for the conversations shown in the documentary. The citations highlighted in colour are taken from other sources. And to demonstrate the effects of Georgian black propaganda on Georgian society itself, I show some "print screened" comments from various web-sites. My aim is quite specific: to show the effects of Georgian black propaganda with relevant examples.

http://www.abkhazworld.com/articles/analysis/406-absence-of-will-commentary.html


Related issues

Tuesday, 5 January 2010

Abkhazia - Best Rated Country in 2009

BestRatedCountry.com -According to the International Pool of the Participants from 124 countries and more than 1,562,000 Votes received, ABKHAZIA received the greatest number of votes. (view detailed statistics)

Therefore, ABKHAZIA is officially entitled to be recognized as:

BEST RATED COUNTRY 2009

Congratulations to the Best Rated Country 2009!

-- Download Certificate

Source: Best Rated Country & Vote The Nation